The contradictions of Iran and the circumstances of its emergence before the revolution

The contradictions of Iran and the circumstances of its emergence before the revolution
The contradictions of Iran and the circumstances of its emergence before the revolution
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The mullahs of Tehran are behaving along the lines of the proverb, “God created them and broke the mold.” They rule commissioned by the Creator himself. Their revolution is different from all the revolutions that preceded it, and it will not know an end. They are not subject to the laws of neither history nor society. So they stay forever and ever. Create an invincible divine order. And anyone who objects to him awaits the guillotine. Executions have become a habit for them since the beginning of their rule. Isn’t one of their slogans: killing is a habit for us?

Since this system was established, the world does not know how to deal with it. It is a system free from all controls, whether legal, religious or moral. When they are unable to reach their accuser, they punish his relatives. Although their book, i.e. the Qur’an, clearly forbade them from that: “And no bearer of burden shall bear the burden of another.”

Iran is a rogue state, Iran is a state sponsor of terrorism, and Iran is the leader of the axis of evil. Iran summons guests to imprison them and may execute them, and kidnaps hostages behind a facade of agents, most of whom are nationals of Arab countries that it despise. Iran is fighting all wars, whether media or actual, by proxy, and by means of local tools that it created to take its place. From Yemen to Iraq and especially Syria. As for her Lebanese tools, they exempt her even from appearing in the frame of the picture, except occasionally. Because they anticipate her needs and take her place in difficult tasks. Therefore, it can practice through them its terrorism and outlaw behavior in all countries of the world. Recently, it made the fatal mistake, and Picard expanded its interventions and brought its drones (technologies stolen from the Great Satan) to the borders of Europe through its ally Russia.

Iran, the country isolated from most countries in the world, has thousands of political prisoners, and has the highest rate of executions in the world. China is only ahead of it because of its massive population of millions.

It worked from the beginning under the slogan “Exporting the Revolution” and its ambition is to play the role of a global leader for its Islamic revolution. And in the name of the “Shiite League,” it not only assumed coordination among the Shiite sects, but also took possession of it. Iran wants to convert the world.

But this Iran fails to convince its citizens of its great message. Their revolution is faced with the harshest forms of repression to bridle young men and women. The generation of the third millennium, educated and wanting to live like the rest of creation, enjoys all kinds of rights and freedoms, on top of which are personal and political freedoms. But the old mullahs, who rule with obsolete ideas, think that they will succeed by using violence and by exploiting modern technology and its digital tools to eliminate precisely those who are more qualified to use and develop them than the protesting generations.

At this time, Western countries are watching and slowing down in supporting this rebellious people and punishing the ruling regime in Iran and its ghosts lurking among them.

Those countries made a mistake from the beginning in their dealings with Iran. They fought Sunni terrorism and turned a blind eye to Shiite terrorism. I have long ignored the peculiarities of the Iranian regime, which has been following a special foreign policy since the revolution. There is Iran the state and Iran the revolution. Iran diplomacy and Iran ideology. Its traditional policy has continued as a country with its own diplomatic representation and interests. At the same time, however, it built its own parallel revolutionary apparatus that competes with state institutions and isolates or disrupts them.

The West was lenient and accepted dealing with the Revolutionary Guards and suspicious elements. Before putting some of them on the list of terrorism. While others are still reluctant to do so. It also allows the activity of its unofficial embassies as advisors, suspicious associations, and others. These western countries (from European countries to America and Canada…) are still safe havens for influential figures in the regime and their daughters and sons, with the aim of studying, medical treatment and entertainment.

The rebel people are an agent. West driven. But is the Iranian internal situation consistent and stable? Will the Iranian citizen obtain his basic needs in a country that distributes its gains among its internal and external military extensions? And have its policies succeeded in confronting the kinds of problems that have always been at the core of the Iranian presence?

Iran is floundering on several levels and suffers from contradictions at the level of national identity/religious identity and at the level of the state/revolution or the state/party and intelligence services. And what has emerged strongly recently: the duality of Persian / Islamic identity.

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The first problem that Iran suffers from is the problem of national identity, which has always been incompatible. As a multi-ethnic and multilingual country (Iran has 75 living languages), it has always had a hard time accommodating these different identities. For its stability, it must search for common ground through a comprehensive national identity, but it will then be confronted with the dominance of the Persian culture and element, especially after the ideal Islamic discourse that it used to invoke has fallen after resorting to Persian discourse and dreaming of restoring the glory of the defunct empire.

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Over the course of the twentieth century, the emergence of the Islamic discourse alongside the nationalist discourse led to an attraction in identity. So that part of the nationalist discourse in the Pahlavi era, which wanted to empower the monarchy, was built on the basis of glorifying the pre-Islamic heritage and considered Persian culture and language as an integral part of Iranian identity.

Historically, there is agreement that contemporary Iran was founded in the early sixteenth century AD, by Shah Ismail Safavi. Before that, Iran was a country of many kingdoms, regions, states, and emirates, with heterogeneous nationalities that were independent of each other and lived in organic ties.

So, the modern history of Iran begins with the Safavids (1501), when Shah Ismail Al-Safavi unified the Turkish-Azeri tribes and formed an organized army with one leadership and directed this army to the various regions and subjected them to his rule.

Then the Safavids followed several dynasties until the rule reached the Qajar dynasty, which in 1770 empowered the Turkish-Azeri tribes in the regions of Azerbaijan, to extend its authority after that over all of Iran.

The Qajars established a new regime known as the “Iranian Guarded Kingdoms,” a traditional federal system that formally preserved national, cultural, linguistic, and religious pluralism. He contented himself with sending one representative, a wali, to collect the taxes.

In the Qajar era, the principles of the constitutional movement (the conditional revolution) were also launched. Foremost among the proposed constitution was the independence of the “federal” regions, through the formation of councils of regions and states in accordance with the constitution drafted by the democratic revolutionary forces in 1906.

Researchers gather that the Persian nation-state, or the current nation-state, was established in Iran at the end of the first quarter of the twentieth century on the ruins of the Qajar state. The name Iran was given in March 1935.

Reza Khan, participated in the February 22, 1921 coup. After the coup, Reza Pahlavi became the Shah in 1925. He defined the nation-state as “a state with one language, one nation, and one country,” violating the Constitution of the Conditional Revolution (1906-1909), which stipulates The multiplicity of kingdoms and nationalities in Iran, which grants it a kind of autonomy.

Reza Shah, founder of the Pahlavi dynasty (1925-1979), consolidated identity-based nationalism with the construction of the modern state. In order to unify the culture of multi-ethnic and multilingual Iran, the Persian language has become compulsory in administration and educational institutions. Then the use of non-Persian languages ​​was prohibited. The desired goal was to erase ethnic identities in favor of Persian.

The problem with this nationalist discourse is that it affirms the cultural values ​​of a supposedly shared past, while presenting itself as a modern project that would abolish traditional bonds in favor of new identities.

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