The “Pirushima” investigator detonated a “bomb” by resuming his mission…and an eye on the political and judicial fragmentation

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– An “official” meeting between “Hezbollah” and Bassil: the presidency and the organization of the dispute
– A bomb on the LBCI building… responded with “fire” to a sarcastic sketch
– The 52,000 dollar “establishes” a flare-up in the street

… a judicial eye on the Palace of Justice in Beirut, and a political eye on “Mirna Chalouhi”, the headquarters of the “Free Patriotic Movement”.

This is how Beirut was yesterday, as it monitored what resembled a lightning “teacher strike” carried out by the judicial investigator in the Beirut port explosion, Judge Tariq Bitar, who “returned himself” to the file from above dozens of response lawsuits against him from politicians and security personnel wanted for investigation, and “Hezbollah” completing a path in the wavering relationship With the team of former President Michel Aoun (the Free Movement), it is based on “a blow on the hoof and a blow on the nail” by restoring direct meetings with “the old staying on its feet” regarding the pillars of divergence that center around the presidential election.

A few days after he met a French delegation, he visited Beirut to inquire about information requested by the French judiciary, which is conducting an investigation in Paris regarding the killing and injury of two Frenchmen in the port explosion on August 4, 2020, perhaps prompted by the emergence of a renewed international examination of this file and the revival of popular embrace of it through what it expressed. Solidarity with the attempt of the judicial “swoop” on the families of the victims, Judge Bitar surprised everyone yesterday by resuming his suspended mission 13 months ago and “confirming” this return with a decision to release 5 detainees in the file and prosecute 8 new people, including two high-ranking security officials, the Director General of Public Security, Major General Abbas Ibrahim and Director General of State Security Tony Saliba.

Bitar relied on the decision to resume his investigations in “Pirushima” on a legal study he conducted that concluded with two things:

The first is the impermissibility of dismissing or disqualifying the judicial investigator “whose duties end with issuance of the indictment” or requesting the transfer of the case before him, and that “any judicial decision to disqualify inevitably involves the abolition of a center established administratively by virtue of a ministerial decision, and constitutes a violation of the principle of separation of powers” ​​and therefore “no The lawsuits filed in the current case against the judicial investigator are valid, and it is required to continue the progress of the investigations from the point they reached.

The second justifies his lack of permission to prosecute or prosecute politicians, judges, administrators, or military personnel, on the basis that “the judicial investigator has an authority parallel to the authority of prosecution vested exclusively before the Judicial Council with the Public Prosecutor of Cassation, so he has the power to pursue the latter when the public lawsuit becomes before him, and he becomes It is indispensable to obtain any permission to prosecute required by the laws” and that “the issuance of a decree to refer the case to the Judicial Council by the Council of Ministers is considered in itself a prior authorization for prosecution and investigation issued by the supreme administrative authority in the country.”

It is known that Bitar had claimed more than a year ago against former Prime Minister Hassan Diab and former ministers, including Ministers of Works Youssef Fenianos and Ghazi Zuaiter, Minister of Finance Ali Hassan Khalil and Minister of Interior Nihad Al-Machnouk, as was the request to interrogate both Ibrahim and Saliba, but he was besieged by dozens of lawsuits of response and litigation. Considering that the authority to pursue politicians rests with the Supreme Council to try presidents and ministers, and the Supreme Defense Council and the Minister of Interior refused to grant permission to pursue the Director General of State Security and the Director General of Public Security.

And while the “Al-Nahar” website stated that the notification papers for the security officials were completed and sent for implementation by the Public Prosecution Office of Cassation, “and in the event that they were not implemented, it was understood that the notification would be executed by sticking, which is the procedure that precedes the issuance of an arrest warrant in absentia against the one who was decided to be interrogated as a defendant.” Well-informed circles She was stopped by Bitar’s decision to vacate the Syrian Ahmed Al-Rajabi, Salim Shibli, Michel Nakhoul, the former customs director Shafiq Marei and the former director of operations Sami Hussein (the latter two, since they had left their jobs at the port three years before the explosion).

According to these circles, the implementation of their release will mean a judicial-political recognition of the reasons presented by Bitar for resuming his mission, while failure to do so will put the families of those arrested in the file (their number 17) in the face of those who are obstructing their release, amid reports that another batch of release requests will be decided. successively, and that the judicial investigator was about to finalize the indictment, which has so far reached 540 pages.

And after Bitar’s mission was pending, until recently, on “Esterhan”, the Minister of Finance, a decree appointing original judges of the courts of cassation so that the quorum of the general body of the Court of Cassation would be completed and requests for his dismissal would be decided, amid great clamor that accompanied the attempts to form “Deversoir” to exclude him by assigning an auxiliary judge to decide the files of the detainees And formal defenses presented by the defendants from politicians, especially that Bitar did not have the jurisdiction to prosecute presidents and ministers. Questions rushed about the political-judicial reaction (from the Public Prosecution Office of the Court of Cassation) to the “bomb” of the judicial investigator.

“The first rain” was the issuance of a statement by Justice Minister Henry Khoury, stating: “The media is circulating excerpts from a decision issued by the judicial investigator in the Beirut Port explosion case.

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And in light of what was included in these excerpts, the Minister of Justice referred a copy of it to the Supreme Judicial Council for review, and the foregoing could not influence the course of this file and the proper course of justice, especially in terms of the necessity of maintaining the confidentiality of the investigation.

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It was also quoted from a senior judicial source that the Public Prosecution Office at the Court of Cassation has not yet seen Judge Bitar’s decision regarding the return to work and his decision to release five detainees, indicating that “in the history of justice this did not happen, and the decision of the judicial investigator is new, but this does not mean that it is a correct decision. If we consider that the judicial investigator is not dismissed, the same applies to the Public Prosecutor’s Court of Cassation and its powers, in reference to the failure of the Public Prosecution to express its opinion on requests for dismissal.

In parallel, attention was drawn to the visit of the political assistant to the Secretary-General of “Hezbollah” Hussein Al-Khalil and the official of the Liaison and Coordination Unit, Wafiq Safa, to the head of the “Free Movement” Gebran Bassil, especially since it was the first direct communication between the two parties, following the tension of their relationship on the background of the separation in The approach to the presidential elections and the candidate through which the loyalists must run the race to Baabda Palace, then “Hezbollah” covered two sessions of the caretaker government, which Aoun’s team considered “a blow to the partnership and a challenge to the charter” because they were held under the auspices of the presidential vacancy.

Al-Rai learned that the visit of the “Hezbollah” delegation, despite its importance and symbolism in form, does not imply “special consideration” for Basil, who went far in expressing his dissatisfaction with the party’s implicit adoption of Suleiman Franjieh, the number one presidential candidate, while waving a leader’s card. The army, General Joseph Aoun, which was rejected by the head of the “movement”, leaking some of the sensitive deliberations with the party leadership, before proceeding, in the course of correcting the latter’s provision of the political umbrella for the government meeting, to challenge the credibility of Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah.

According to Arefin, Khalil and Safa’s visit to Basil came within the framework of a tour that “Hezbollah” started with the head of the Progressive Socialist Party, Walid Jumblatt, and will complete it with other parties in the context of searching for understandings regarding the presidential file, and it does not mean in any way that the party has retreated from its approach to merit and about The specifications of the president that he had previously defined and apply until now to Franjieh, and that any hydration of the climate with the “Free Movement” will be nothing more than an organization of disagreement and nothing more, especially since Basil insists on refusing to walk with Franjieh and that the party was confiding to Jumblatt the requirements of adhering to the adoption of the “Marada” leader. “The one we trust.”

Jumblatt had presented to the “Hezbollah” delegation a basket of non-Franji names, namely the former minister Jihad Azour, former deputy Salah Hanin and General Joseph Aoun, while behind the scenes it is said that the Free Movement is presented as a “third option”, and it seems that “testing the pulse” names. Former ministers Ziad Baroud and Roger Deeb, and the general director of LBCI TV, Pierre Al-Daher and Azour.

At this time, and with the continuation of the open sit-in since last Thursday for a number of opposition deputies, led by the “changers” (whose nucleus are MPs Melhem Khalaf and Najat Saliba) at the parliament headquarters in the context of pressure to hold successive electoral sessions and urging the Lebaneseization of the entitlement, the security situation jumped to the fore from the gate of two developments. :

– The first was targeting the LBCI station building in Adma Keserwan on Sunday night with a bomb thrown in a car park, which caused material damage.

And while the investigations continued, amid surveillance cameras showing that two people riding a motorcycle threw the bomb, this incident was placed in the context of responding with “fire” to a sketch in one of the humorous programs on the station broadcast last week about “learning the Shiite language” and was met with a wave of anger that was not devoid of criticism. threats.

The targeting of “LBCI” was met with widespread condemnation, politically and in the media, rejecting the exposure and suppression of freedoms by force, as part of a disturbing path that had recently affected the “Al-Jadeed” station, against the backdrop of broadcasting satirical content within a program on its screen, which was met with a focused campaign from activists on social media. Most of them are members of the Shiite sect.

The second development is recording movements in the street and blocking roads in more than one area, including Sidon and the southern suburbs of Beirut, against the background of the social reality and the exacerbation of living suffocations, with the dollar reaching a new record yesterday, with it exceeding 52 thousand pounds, and the gasoline tank approaching one million (its price yesterday exceeded 900 thousand pounds for the time). The first), amid fears that the financial situation and its fragments will turn into a fuse that can be used in battles with multiple agendas.

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